Election
Over, Global Crises Beckon in Obama’s New Term
8
November, 2012
Living
with a democratic hegemon isn’t easy. Every four years, as 300
million Americans convulse themselves with a presidential election,
the other 6.6 billion people on the planet must wait as the
candidates slug it out.
Treaty
talks, potentially life-or-death decisions and diplomatic
appointments are stuck in limbo. Then, depending on the outcome, the
rest of the world must brace for a bad case of policy whiplash, as a
new U.S. administration seeks to undo the work of its predecessor,
preferably starting on that all-too- familiar day one.
At
the least, President Barack
Obama’s
re-election has averted that dizzying prospect. This may be one
reason so many world leaders seemed to react with relief. A little
continuity isn’t bad, especially given the Robespierre-like
intensity with which voters have dispatched other world leaders since
the financial crisis.
Another
good omen for progress is the “I’ll have what he’s having”
approach to foreign policy that Mitt
Romney adopted
in the final presidential debate, which points to a sunlit patch of
bipartisan ground on Iran, Syria and
Afghanistan. And Democratic gains in the Senate will make that
chamber more likely to focus, as far as the president’s foreign
policy is concerned, on “advise and consent” than “obstruct and
destroy.” Perhaps Obama was right when he inadvertently remarked
over an open microphone to Russian Prime Minister Dmitry
Medvedev last
March that, after his “last election,” he would have more
“flexibility” to get things done.
We
have a few suggestions about where to start, beginning with some cans
that are too big to keep kicking down the road.
Nuclear Iran
Exhibit
A is the threat of a nuclear-armed Iran. The administration’s
approach is having an impact: Sanctions continue to erode the Iranian
economy, and to incite public dissatisfaction with the Islamic
regime. In particular, the rial has slumped as much as 40 percent
against the dollar since August, leading to spiraling inflation.
Now
Obama needs to intensify the pressure by persuading India,
Japan
and South
Korea to
make further reductions in Iranian imports; banning all transactions
-- not just oil-
related business --
with the Central Bank of Iran and its satellites; expanding sanctions
beyond petroleum production to all aspects of the Iranian energy
sector, which is fully controlled by the congressionally blacklisted
Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps; and perhaps working to keep
Western insurers and reinsurers from issuing policies related to
Iranian trade.
The
president will also have to come to some understanding with Israel on
where to draw a “red line” on Iran’s progress toward a nuclear
weapon, and the circumstances that would lead to military action.
Although
the Obama administration vehemently denied reports that it agreed to
direct talks with the Iranians, we don’t object to such
discussions. They just shouldn’t reward Iran for half-measures:
Until Tehran agrees to strictly enforced limits on uranium enrichment
and inspections that give the world comfort it cannot build a nuclear
bomb, the heat stays on.
Syria
is competing with Iran for the top slot on Obama’s foreign policy
to-do list. This crisis has no good or simple fix, and there
certainly isn’t a strong desire among Americans to undertake
another armed intervention a la Iraq or Afghanistan. Still, the
administration has been slow to take those actions that it could.
Syrian Rebels
With
the elections over, whoever replaces Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton should
begin to engage publicly with Syrians fighting inside the country.
Obama should get more clandestine U.S. personnel on the ground to
support Syria’s non- Islamist opposition, identify a potential
transitional leadership, and take control of the flow of weapons to
the Free Syrian Army fromSaudi
Arabia and
Qatar to ensure that arms don’t fall into the hands of jihadist and
other groups.
In
the broader region, Obama can’t sustain his see-no-evil,
speak-no-evil approach to the brewing tumult in the Gulf kingdoms.
Bahrain, which hosts the U.S. Navy’s Fifth
Fleet,
has beenrocked
by unrest.
Previously quiet Jordan and Kuwait have lately experienced protests.
And those are just the visible hotspots
.
Obama
officially supports the expansion of democracy throughout the
Mideast. That commitment would be severely tested by any popular
uprising in the Gulf kingdoms. Accordingly, the president would be
wise to privately lean on the Gulf monarchs to usher indemocratic
reforms now rather
than risk losing power (not to mention life and liberty) altogether.
As
more Arab political systems open up, Islamic parties are sure to gain
influence. The administration needs to redouble efforts to establish,
when possible, trusting relationships with these forces. The U.S.
can’t dictate the course of the Arab awakening, but it can be
better prepared to navigate its twists and turns.
Durable
progress just about anywhere in the Middle
East will
require at least grudging cooperation with China and Russia,
nuclear-armed United Nations Security Council members with strong --
and in China’s case, growing -- geostrategic interests there. Both
countries were also the targets of some heavy-handed rhetoric on the
campaign trail. Two quick, mutually beneficial ways to dispel some
post-campaign tensions would be for the U.S. to speed the next
meeting of the high-profile U.S.-
China Strategic and Economic Dialogue,
which it will host early next summer, and for the lame-duck Congress
to pass legislation that would grant Russia permanent normal trade
relations status by repealing the obsolete anti-Soviet Jackson-Vanik
Amendment of 1974.
Awarding
such trade relations would also help increase U.S. exports to what is
the world’s seventh
biggest economy,
but only its 20th biggest trading partner.
Trade Opportunities
That
brings us to the last item on our to-do list and the first thing on
most Americans’ minds: jobs.
In
his 2010 State
of the Union
address, Obama vowed to double U.S. exports by the end of 2014. The
U.S. isn’t on track to reach that goal. Obama should intensify the
effort by pressing harder for the Trans-Pacific
Partnership,
a trade agreement that was first initiated under President George
W. Bush,
and for a U.S.-European Union free-trade pact, which, according to a
Bloomberg Government analysis, would eliminate $6.4 billion in annual
duties on U.S. Exports.
And
if Obama was serious about working with Romney to move the country
forward, one easy way to do so would be to pursue expanded trade
with Latin
America,
particularly Brazil and Argentina, which the Republican candidate
rightly identified as emerging powerhouses.
Of
course, many other global challenges loom for the second Obama
administration, from a tottering European Union, to the moribund
Israeli-Palestinian peace process, to North
Korea,
to a melting Arctic. But first things first. The world has been
waiting. Time to get back to business -- until 2016, that is.
Read
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Today’s
highlights: Visit the
Ticker for
election commentary, including Mary Duenwald on the
prospects of a carbon tax,
James Greiff on restoring
Wall Street-White House ties and
Zara Kessler on Mitt
Romney’s 49 percent problem.
Plus,
the editors on how President Barack Obama can avoid
the fiscal cliff; Caroline
Baum onwhy
Congress doesn’t listen to voters; Clive
Crook on how Obama
can make this election matter; Ezra
Klein on the
opening for filibuster reform;
W. Michael Cox and Richard Alm on the
California business that might come to Texas;
Odd Arne Westad on China’s
more nationalistic leadership.

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