After
his adoption of nuclear power I was ready to completely give up on
George Monbiot – but I have to give him credit for this piece
After
Rio, we know. Governments have given up on the planet
The
post-summit pledge was an admission of defeat against consumer
capitalism. But we can still salvage the natural world
George
Monbiot
25
June, 2012
It
is, perhaps, the greatest failure of collective leadership since the
first world war. The Earth's living systems are collapsing, and the
leaders of some of the most powerful nations – the United States,
the UK, Germany, Russia – could not even be bothered to turn up and
discuss it. Those who did attend the Earth summit in Rio last week
solemnly agreed to keep stoking the destructive fires: sixteen times
in their text they pledged to pursue "sustained growth",
the primary cause of the biosphere's losses.
The
efforts of governments are concentrated not on defending the living
Earth from destruction, but on defending the machine that is
destroying it. Whenever consumer capitalism becomes snarled up by its
own contradictions, governments scramble to mend the machine, to
ensure – though it consumes the conditions that sustain our lives –
that it runs faster than ever before.
The
thought that it might be the wrong machine, pursuing the wrong task,
cannot even be voiced in mainstream politics. The machine greatly
enriches the economic elite, while insulating the political elite
from the mass movements it might otherwise confront. We have our
bread; now we are wandering, in spellbound reverie, among the
circuses.
We
have used our unprecedented freedoms – secured at such cost by our
forebears – not to agitate for justice, for redistribution, for the
defence of our common interests, but to pursue the dopamine hits
triggered by the purchase of products we do not need. The world's
most inventive minds are deployed not to improve the lot of humankind
but to devise ever more effective means of stimulation, to counteract
the diminishing satisfactions of consumption. The mutual dependencies
of consumer capitalism ensure that we all unwittingly conspire in the
trashing of what may be the only living planet. The failure at Rio de
Janeiro belongs to us all.
It
marks, more or less, the end of the multilateral effort to protect
the biosphere. The only successful global instrument – the Montreal
Protocol on substances that deplete the ozone layer – was agreed
and implemented years before the first Earth Summit in 1992. It was
one of the last fruits of a different political era, in which
intervention in the market for the sake of the greater good was not
considered anathema, even by the Thatcher and Reagan governments.
Everything of value discussed since then has led to weak,
unenforceable agreements, or to no agreements at all.
This
is not to suggest that the global system and its increasingly
pointless annual meetings will disappear, or even change. The
governments which allowed the Earth Summit and all such meetings to
fail evince no sense of responsibility for this outcome, and appear
untroubled by the thought that if a system hasn't worked for 20
years, there's something wrong with the system. They walk away, aware
that there are no political penalties; that the media is as absorbed
with consumerist trivia as the rest of us; that, when future
generations have to struggle with the mess they have left behind,
their contribution will have been forgotten. (And then they lecture
the rest of us on responsibility.)
Nor
is it to suggest that multilateralism should be abandoned. Agreements
on biodiversity, the oceans and the trade in endangered species may
achieve some marginal mitigation of the full-spectrum assault on the
biosphere that the consumption machine has unleashed. But that's
about it.
The
action – if action there is – will mostly be elsewhere. Those
governments which retain an interest in planet Earth will have to
work alone, or in agreement with like-minded nations. There will be
no means of restraining free riders, no means of persuading voters
that their actions will be matched by those of other countries.
That
we have missed the chance of preventing two degrees of global warming
now seems obvious. That most of the other planetary boundaries will
be crossed, equally so. So what do we do now?
Some
people will respond by giving up, or at least withdrawing from
political action. Why, they will ask, should we bother, if the
inevitable destination is the loss of so much of what we hold dear:
the forests, the brooks, the wetlands, the coral reefs, the sea ice,
the glaciers, the birdsong and the night chorus, the soft and steady
climate which has treated us kindly for so long? It seems to me that
there are at least three reasons.
The
first is to draw out the losses over as long a period as possible, in
order to allow our children and grandchildren to experience something
of the wonder and delight in the natural world and of the peaceful,
unharried lives with which we have been blessed. Is that not a worthy
aim, even if there were no other?
The
second is to preserve what we can in the hope that conditions might
change. I do not believe that the planet-eating machine, maintained
by an army of mechanics, oiled by constant injections of public
money, will collapse before the living systems on which it feeds. But
I might be wrong. Would it not be a terrible waste to allow the
tiger, the rhinoceros, the bluefin tuna, the queen's executioner
beetle and the scabious cuckoo bee, the hotlips fungus and the
fountain anenome to disappear without a fight if this period of
intense exploitation turns out to be a brief one?
The
third is that, while we may have no influence over decisions made
elsewhere, there is plenty that can be done within our own borders.
Rewilding – the mass restoration of ecosystems – offers the best
hope we have of creating refuges for the natural world, which is why
I've decided to spend much of the next few years promoting it here
and abroad.
Giving
up on global agreements or, more accurately, on the prospect that
they will substantially alter our relationship with the natural
world, is almost a relief. It means walking away from decades of
anger and frustration. It means turning away from a place in which we
have no agency to one in which we have, at least, a chance of being
heard. But it also invokes a great sadness, as it means giving up on
so much else.
Was
it too much to have asked of the world's governments, which performed
such miracles in developing stealth bombers and drone warfare, global
markets and trillion-dollar bailouts, that they might spend a tenth
of the energy and resources they devoted to these projects on
defending our living planet? It seems, sadly, that it was.
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