Friday, 1 July 2016

The French anti-labour law protests

France: Protestors Rise Up In Their Millions Against Ruling Class

French protestors are rising up in their millions against a ruling class determined to take away their rights. There is anarchy on the streets of France as the mainstream media continues to suppress the scale of events.

30 June,2016

Thousands of masked protesters and police fought running street battles in France this week, with police using water cannon to quell rioters who hurled projectiles at them and destroyed storefronts, joining the millions of French citizens who have protested against new anti-worker laws that are designed to protect and enrich a wealthy elite at the expense of ordinary people.

The protesters in Paris represent all working class people united, mobilized, and resisting the greed of globalist elites. Police involved are violently fighting against the people and protecting the interests of the ruling class.

However as the government, police and mainstream media continue to suppress this important movement’s progress, the people continue to rise up.

Western mainstream media continues to suppress information regarding the scale and intensity of the revolution taking place on French streets.

While the world distracted by the Euro 2016 football championships in France, the elites are taking away people’s rights and blood is being shed on the streets.

La à en 4 images Disponibles ici :

There is anarchy in the streets and the police are having trouble keeping pace. They have begged the protestors to stop the relentless protests, complained of exhaustion, and have even held their own protest against ‘the brutality of the protestors’ – that resulted in a police car getting torched.

The government have also tried to make protesting illegal, while they attempt to push the new laws through the lower house without a vote using a constitutional manoeuvre. With the two chambers unlikely to agree a final version, the lower house will have the final say, and the government is expected to use the same manoeuvre to pass the bill into law without a vote.

According to an opinion poll published on Tuesday, 73 percent of the French would be “shocked and appalled” by such a move.

The new law is referred to by the name of the Minister of Labour Myriam El Khomri, and was first presented by her in February, sparking a series of relentless protests that show no sign of stopping.

The El Khomri legislation was introduced in its original French as the “draft legislation aimed at implementing new freedoms and protections for businesses and workers.” To refer to this law as a new freedom or protection for workers is laughable, and is really a kick in the face for the people. What the law really does is expand protections and freedoms for the wealthy elite and no one else.

The protests began on March 9 with the movement being called “Nuit debut,” translated roughly as “standing up all night.” The French ruling class is trying keep control through the police baton in order to keep the masses down. The El Khomri bill essentially boils down to stripping people of their rights and giving more control to the elites. The French job market reform is outrageous for a country struggling with a high unemployment rate of 10 percent and a stagnant economy.

Although the movement is centered primarily around the job market reform bill, there are much broader concerns involved, such as: universal basic income, opposition to the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), amnesty for undocumented workers, solidarity with refugees, and the gender pay gap. France’s mobilized collective are on a progressive mission to create another world to realize social justice and demand dignity for ordinary people.

President Hollande and Prime Minister Manual Valls say they will not listen to the millions of protesters or the massive majority of citizens who disapprove of the law. Since the French protests began attempts have been made to hinder their cause. Every measure to dismiss the protesters has been attempted; everything from police teargas to the Prime Minister Valls portraying protestors as “rioters” and “ultra-violent youths.” French Interior Minister Bernard Cazeneuve had the gall to tell protesters “to find within themselves a little humanity, tolerance and respect. “

Even the police have tried to garner sympathy away from protesters when they claimed they were too “exhausted” to deal with continued protests. French leaders have threatened a ban on protests, with even tougher crackdowns by police, after Valls claimed that the protesters were out “to kill a police officer.” The threatened ban by the French government on demonstrations was reverted on June 22 after falling under harsh criticism and backlash.

French Cops Claim They’re Too Tired to Keep Policing Massive Protests

28 June, 2016

Michaela Whitton (AM) : Months of mass demonstrations and violence linked to the Euro 2016 football tournament have left French police begging for mercy. A heated combination of protests against controversial changes to France’s employment laws and outbreaks of violence by Russian and British football fans has taken its toll, leading a union leader to beg for a reprieve for French law enforcement.

Paris_Police_Jun 2016_FranceProtests opposing Francois Hollande’s proposals to relax France’s labour code began in March and have been called the largest and longest-lasting since the French Revolution. While the government argues the changes are crucial to lower unemployment, protesters claim they are bad for workers’ rights. Countrywide protests have included strikes and blockades of oil refineries and hundreds of fuel depots. Workers also downed tools at the state-owned rail company.

On June 14, some masked protesters hurled paving slabs, smashed shop windows, and burned cars on the city streets. Despite relatively little mainstream media coverage of the mass protests, a series of violent images emerged showing police responding brutally with tear gas, batons, and water cannons. Around 60 people were arrested, and 29 police officers and 11 protesters were injured. Shortly after, workers’ unions and student organisations called for more street protests and strikes, on June 23 and June 28, to reject the new labour laws currently being debated in the Senate.

Earlier this week, France’s main police union, Alliance, pleaded with workers to postpone Thursday’s planned day of demonstrations to give the police time to recover.

We’re asking for this demonstration to be postponed, along with any other static protests as our colleagues on all fronts are exhausted, worn out and tired,” Frederic Lagache, Alliance deputy secretary general said.

Describing the protests as repetitive and very violent, he said the police are too exhausted to cope with them — especially on top of dealing with terrorism and violence linked to the hosting of Euro 2016.

Despite the pleas for respite, the government gave the green light to the demonstrations — but only if they were confined to a small area of the city. At least 85 people were arrested in the capital as thousands took part in the largely peaceful protests. Union officials said 60,000 people attended the march, but police said the number was closer to 20,000.

Michaela Whitton, TheAntiMedia

How the EU pushed France to reforms of labour law

by Corporate Europe Observatory

30 June,2016

The current struggle in France over labour law reforms is not just between the Government and trade unions – a European battle is waged. The attacks on social rights stem in no small part from the web of EU-rules dubbed ‘economic governance’, invented to impose austerity policies on member states.

Strikes and actions across France against reforms of the country’s labour protections, known as the El Khomri Law, demonstrate the immense unpopularity of the measures proposed by the French Government. Chiefly among them, to give preference to local agreements on wages and working conditions, when the conditions in those agreements are less favourable than the national norm inscribed in national law. This is an open attempt to undermine collective bargaining and roll back the influence of trade union.

Ultimately, the French Government has formal responsibility for the weakening of labour protection. But there is no denying that the European Union is playing an important and perhaps decisive role in the attacks on labour rights. What we see is the EU throwing its rulebook in the French workers’ faces. Practically all the new rules on so-called ‘economic governance’ adopted following the eurocrisis have been applied, and make France look like a EU test-case. The European Commission, with the backing of the Council, has used the rules on member states’ deficits to exert pressure, threatening with sanctions, should the French Government not give in and seriously reform its labour laws. Simply put, France has been required flat out to ensure higher profitability for businesses by driving down wages.

How does all of this work?

Sanctions more likely today

First and foremost, the reforms in France are related to the country’s deficit. Like most other EU member states, the state’s finances looked pretty bad in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis. In 2009, a case was opened against France for breaching EU rules which stipulate that its deficit must be no higher than 3 per cent of GDP. If taken to the extreme, this ‘excessive deficit procedure’ can result in a fine of billions of euro, and – not least in the case of France – a severe loss of face to its EU partners.

The ‘excessive deficit procedure’ was given more teeth with the so-called ‘Six-Pack’ set of EU rules in 2011 – a key part of the austerity-focused economic governance package – which introduced a reverse majority vote in the Council: if the Commission does decide to fine a member state, like it has threatened to do to France, there will have to be a qualified majority against the measure from other member states to block it. Good reasons for the French Government to be slightly scared – and a weapon to be used in its attempt to convince parliamentarians. The likelihood of sanctions for not meeting the budget deficit targets is much bigger than in the past, when both Germany and France escaped humiliation. But how to meet the Commission’s strict targets, and how to behave to the satisfaction of the Commission, is what clearly links the El Khomri law in France to the austerity regime being rolled out from Brussels.

Enabling demands of ‘structural reforms’

Being ‘in the procedure’, means you’re under close surveillance by the Commission, and with regular intervals, the case of the French deficit has been brought up at meetings with member states ministers, who have assessed if France (in this case) has made sufficient efforts to remedy the problem. Specific recommendations have been made, though until 2013 the labour law was hardly mentioned. The recommendations stuck to the development of the deficit, whether it went down at the required pace. But in 2013, there was a new tone in the Commission’s recommendations. France was asked to meet its deficit targets “by comprehensive structural reforms” in line with recommendations from the Council “in the context of the European Semester”. Structural reforms are no small matter. They are defined as changes that affect “the fundamental drivers of growth by liberalising labour, product and service markets”. Such ambitions were starting to be pushed on France at the European Semester.

But what is the European Semester? It is a procedure involving the Commission and the Council that ends with a set of recommendations for reforms to each and every member state, based on a proposal from the Commission. At the beginning in 2011, the recommendations were non-binding, but in 2013, a new set of rules went into force under the so-called Two-Pack, another part of the economic governance package intended to enforce austerity. One of the regulations of the two in the package was about measures to ensure deficits were corrected, and among other things, it made a link between the deficit procedure and the European Semester.  If a member state is under the deficit procedure – like France – it would have to draw up an ‘Economic Partnership Programme’ that includes the recommendations from the Council –typically the kind of structural reforms that would have a clear impact. If the programme is not followed, then it will have a bearing on the Commission’s decision to initiate the final phase of the deficit procedure: sanctions in the form of a fine worth billions.

So, when the Two-Pack entered into force in early 2013, the tone of the messages to France on its deficit changed. France was now asked to implement “comprehensive structural reforms” of its labour law and the pension system. This had a bearing on how France would be treated under the deficit procedure and whether it would come in for sanctions, and for that reason, recommendations started looking more like demands.

In other words: whereas earlier country specific recommendations adopted under the European Semester were just that, with the Two-Pack from 2013, non-compliance could lead the Commission to take the next step towards sanctions.

Slash wages now!”

There’s more.

In the early stages of the eurocrisis another procedure was introduced that was to work in parallel to the deficit procedure: the ‘Macroeconomic Imbalance Procedure’. This procedure allows the Commission to monitor the development of member states’ economies based on a predefined set of indicators. One of them – perhaps the most important one – measures how high the labour costs are developing (unit labour costs). If wages are not kept at bay, competitiveness suffers, and measures have to be taken, so the logic goes.

The ‘Macroeconomic Imbalance Procedure’ is also a potent weapon, as it can lead to a fine if a Eurozone member state crosses the line repeatedly and for a long time. And France has been in the crosshairs of the Commission for quite a while. Commission staff has investigated French labour law and identified what factors contribute “to  limiting the ability of firms to negotiate downward wage adjustment”,  and the French Government has been warned – as has many other member states – about developments in wages. In 2014, the Commission said “unit labour cost growth is relatively contained but shows no improvement in cost competitiveness. The profitability of private companies remains low, limiting deleveraging prospects and investment capacity.”

The calls for action to improve the profitability of private companies have been sent to France from Brussels on numerous occasions over the past couple of years, and have gained in strength. Thus far, the climax was in February 2015, when the Commission stepped up the procedure and singled out Bulgaria and France as the most pressing cases. The decision put France only a small step from the last stage of the imbalance procedure, the dreaded ‘excessive imbalance procedure’ which entails – exactly like the deficit procedure – a massive fine. If all fines are put together – from the deficit procedure and the imbalances procedure – they could amount to 0.5 per cent of GDP, or in the case of France, approximately €11 billion.

The final countdown

Such a prospect must be terrifying for the French Government, and in 2015, then, it would have to come up with something of substance to appease the European Commission and its partners in the Council. In March France was given two more years to bring its house in order, and if there was any doubt over the way to get there, the message to France in July was clear. Country Specific Recommendation number 6 to France under the European Semester, includes a call to “reform the labour law to provide more incentives for employers to hire on open-ended contracts. Facilitate take up of derogations at company and branch level from general legal provisions, in particular as regards working time arrangements.” In other words, the very reforms now at the centre of dispute with the El Khomri law.

The recommendation was copy-pasted from a Commission proposal;  one that struck a chord among business lobby groups. In the annual ‘Reform Barometer’ of BusinessEurope, a procedure set up to influence the European Semester, the French employers association MEDEF was enthusiastic about the move, and dubbed it “extremely important” in its contribution to the Reform Barometer 2016.

End game

Who exactly has done what since the summer of 2015 is the subject of intense debate. French media outlet Mediapart suggests the German Government might have played a big role in designing the French reforms, while others believe the specifics were entirely homemade.  In any case, there is no denying that the reforms were pushed heavily by the European Union, more specifically by the Commission and the Council. And the push was based on the web of rules on member states’ economic policies, sometimes called ‘economic governance’, that has been spun thread by thread since 2010. The strengthening of the deficit procedure, the European Semester, the Two-Pack, and the macroeconomic imbalance procedure have all been used for the purpose they were invented: to exert maximum pressure on member states to adopt austerity policies.

There are other similar examples in Europe at the moment. In Italy and Belgium too, you see the effect of the new tools handed over to the European Union since 2010. But France is special for its size and its power in the EU. The ongoing struggle in France can be seen as a major test case for European economic governance.  If a big, powerful EU member state can be pushed to attack fundamental traits of its labour protection law, then the risk of new and stronger measures are much more likely in the future. Even if French workers are unaware of it, they’re fighting a European battle.

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